Frank Heley 2009
INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this report is to examine the deviant subculture of bikers and outlaw motorcycle clubs and determine the sources of the deviance and what factors contribute to increased deviance as deeper immersion in the subculture occurs, eventually culminating in serious, organized criminal enterprise. I believe that there is a continuum of deviance that starts at an individual’s basic socio-economic level and is coupled with an interest in motorcycling and upon entry into the subculture there is a natural progression toward deeper deviance. Most of the general observations contained here about bikers and the lifestyle come from my personal observations over the years, both in Fargo, ND and Dallas, TX. From 1986, when I bought my first motorcycle to 2003, when life’s circumstances took precedence over riding, I worked for and with bikers, had friends who were bikers, and I spent time in biker and biker friendly bars.
DEFINITIONS
To facilitate the exploration of the continuum of deviance within the biker subculture, it is important to provide some context and definitions. The term one percenter is common amongst the vernacular of bikers and law enforcement alike. The term is said to have reportedly originated from an American Motorcycle Association estimate in the ‘40’s that one percent of motorcyclists were causing trouble for all motorcyclists (Barker, 2004). While the term is used with little empirical evidence and subject to disagreement as to the exact origin, it has become so commonplace as to be a legitimate label for outlaw motorcycle gangs and their members (Heley, Personal Knowledge).
The use of the term gang is also related to those who invoke it. The members themselves will always refer to themselves as a club. The press and law enforcement will frequently if not exclusively, use the term gang to define motorcycling organizations whose members engage in or are believed to engage in criminal activities (Quinn & Koch, 2003). This may institute a degree of bias into sociological and law enforcement analysis of these organizations. Minnesota statute defines a criminal gang as an organization consisting of three or more individual which has as one of its primary activities, is the engagement in felony level criminal activities, who have a common name, sign or symbol who individually or collectively currently or have in the past engaged in a pattern of criminal activity. In this report the term motorcycle club (MC) and outlaw motorcycle club will be utilized rather than gang but the term 1% in reference to clubs and members will be used to give a better indication of the level of deviance and criminal activity in MCs that are being addressed.
It is important to recognize that amongst the thousands of MCs, are around 300 that are one-percenters. (Barker, 2005) Amongst those are a handful of MCs that have been more than prominent in the eyes of the public, press, and law enforcement. The Big Five as described by Barker, the Hell’s Angels, the Bandidos, the Pagans, the Outlaws, and the Sons of Silence have distinguished themselves from other 1% clubs through size, criminal activity, prosecution, and press coverage. There are also a number of 1% clubs that are major independents in that they are limited by the number of chapters, member strength, and lack of affiliation or geographical competition with the Big Five. (Barker, 2005)
The Big Five clubs originated in the 50’s and 60’s (Barker, 2005) and according to anthropologist Daniel Wolf, bikers are alienated products of anomic, urban, technological society who adhere to their own version of a wild west ethic (as cited in Quinn & Koch 2003). While this may be somewhat applicable to the origins of these clubs, I feel it falls a little short as the progression from simple deviance to outright criminal behavior is not so easily explained. Quinn and Koch also portray the one-percenter world as both countercultural and subcultural, in that their lifestyle and behaviors seem to run counter to the rest of societal norms, but that their respect for hierarchy, power, and belonging are a “caricature of a subterranean norm” (2003). This is a more comprehensive view of a lifestyle that is at the same time both secretive and highly visible.
THE CONTINUUM OF DEVIANCE
The assertion of this work is that there is a continuum of deviance within the motorcycling world that can be explained and defined through various sociological and criminological views. Since the inception of the motorcycle, riders have been viewed with some trepidation. At a time when the automobile was still a relatively new invention, the motorcycle was thought of as dangerous and those who rode them were viewed as unconventional, adventurous, or reckless depending on the viewpoint of the observer. The formation of 1% clubs cannot be explained solely by disenfranchisement and anomie. The Hells Angels were formed by former WW II vets, the Pagans by a biochemist employed at the National Institute of Health, and the Florida based Warlocks, a major independent, by a Vietnam era sailor. (Barker, 2005) Indeed, a number of now defunct clubs were started by WW II servicemen (Heley, Personal Knowledge)
In the case of these servicemen I believe it is not anomie per se but, as Quinn agrees, the bonds of brotherhood and risk-taking behavior fostered in the military prompted the formation of the clubs (2001). Others, I believed were formed as a means of binding like-minded loners, which is the view of former National President of the Hells Angels Sonny Barger and anthropologist Daniel Wolf, though this loyalty is magnified by their distrust and rejection of mainstream society (Quinn, 2001). Already viewed as somewhat outside of the mainstream by virtue of being motorcycle riders, those more comfortable in a “saloon society milieu” (Quinn, 2001), gravitate toward one another in a sense of kinship that I believe runs deeper than just a means of dealing with blue collar stress.
AFFINITY, AFFLIATION, AND SIGNIFICATION
This suggests the continuum of deviance that exists amongst bikers, typified by Matza’s theory of affinity, affiliation, and signification. Motorcyclists now are relatively conventional but not completely mainstream. The motorcycle is an acceptable means of travel, but it has also come to signify freedom seeking. From this very nominal deviance it’s possible to transition from motorcyclist to biker. It is in the saloon society, that Quinn refers to, that bikers associate in; one of lower class focuses and attitudes. It’s here that affinity starts. Based on my observations, bikers are defined by themselves and other based on the style of dress, the make and model of motorcycle, overt behavior, and dedication to motorcycle riding. Dress and personal style indicate toughness with black leather, denim, chains, heavy boots, and the typical carrying of a weapon, often a knife. Violent or sexual imagery, or those related to the biking lifestyle are typical tattoos within the subculture. To support this image of toughness, real toughness is required. It is important to show perceived masculine traits; those associated with a penchant for, or at least an acceptance of, violence, misogyny, substance abuse, and minor criminal activity. Hard drinking, recreational drug use, and a willingness for confrontation are typical behaviors. (Heley, Personal Knowledge)
However, the other defining factor is riding itself. It is important not only as a primary means of transportation but in making very sharp distinctions. What you ride, American made Harley Davidson versus import, is important, as well as how often you ride. Bikers who tow their bikes to shows and on long runs are treated with derision. So too are those with too many luxuries and accessories on their bikes versus the stripped down or chopped ride. Distinctions are also made between those who ride the smaller Harleys called Sportsters and those who ride the “Big Twins”. Another very important distinction is between those who repair and modify their own bikes versus those who rely on shops to service and customize their bikes. There are a large amount of subcultural norms that need to be understood and accepted, and this also takes an investment of time, dedicating oneself to the lifestyle if you wanted to be viewed as and consider yourself a biker (Heley, Personal Knowledge).
This indicates that there are certain expectations that must be met to achieve full status, i.e. being a real biker. Within the subculture, bikers are very quick to make distinctions between “righteous bros” and “posers”. It are only these righteous bros that move further down the continuum.
Joining a motorcycle club moves the biker from affinity to affiliation. The club becomes a source of personal and group identity (Quinn and Koch, 2003). If you are a member of a club, you can now wear the label of biker with no argument, but you have a new role to fulfill. MCs can be either conventional, those just interested in motorcycling and that are recognized by the AMA, or norm violating, which is our focus here. Membership can occur in different ways. One can request membership if sponsored by a member, one can be recruited by a nomad affiliated with a 1% club, or you can be patched over (Quinn and Koch, 2003). As a member of the club there are further expectations to be adhered to, primarily loyalty to the club. New members are typically socialized to the ways of the club by “prospecting”. The prospect is in a probationary period designed to see if he is worthy to be a club member. They may be assigned a variety of mundane and dirty jobs and in some of the 1% clubs, may be required to commit a felony for the club to insure membership. (Barker, 2005) Once a full member, the prospect is allowed to wear the club insignia or “patch” and now has a patch holder status. The patch holds ultimate importance for a club member. It is never to be surrendered or allowed to be desecrated. Patch holders will also typically procure more tattoos that further show allegiance to the club. MC members have a fierce loyalty to not only the club and its members but its activities. Club members are expected to be active in the club by participating in runs, attending meetings, paying dues, and abiding by club rules which dictate behavior towards other members, allowable drug use, and other behaviors that affect the club’s cohesion or reputation (Quinn and Koch, 2003).
This image of a MC fits thousands of clubs around the US and world. Patch holder membership is typically made up of the type of biker described previously. However, within the context of 1 % clubs, and MCs in general, criminal activity by individual club members and the club itself varies widely (McNally and Alston, 2006). Individual deviance may go beyond recreational drug use to minor dealing or petty theft to grand theft. These criminal activities and behaviors usually occur on an individual level or between cliques in the club (McNally and Alston, 2006) but are not typically club directed.
The National Association Of Gang Investigators put the number of 1% clubs at over 300 nationwide. (Barker, 2005) It is during club membership, either in an existing 1% club or in a club that is transitioning into one, that signification takes place. The member is no longer a biker who may commit some crimes but has now become a criminal biker, an outlaw. There is sufficient evidence from law enforcement to suggest that 1% clubs do engage in ongoing criminal operations that are diverse and lucrative. The crimes are designed to benefit the club and are typical of the subculture they occupy and the norms they conform to, but at a more extreme level such as drug manufacturing and dealing, prostitution, auto & bike theft, gun running, and contract killings (Barker, 2004). The continuum toward more extreme deviance culminating in extreme criminality is enhanced by a few features within the subculture, the differential association and the hierarchy that exists in clubs, especially the one-percenters.
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DIFFERENTIAL ASSOCIATION
Within the subculture of the MC exists hang-arounds, friends, and associates of the club, and puppet clubs, i.e. weaker clubs affiliated with the larger, stronger clubs. These peripheral components demonstrate a varying level of involvement and loyalty to the club and subsequently, the criminal and deviance associated with each (McNally & Alston, 2006). They are usually subservient to ranking gang members and often must be sponsored by a member to achieve this status. Typically, they are involved in only a limited degree in club business but may participate in the criminality associated with the club. Also, with each chapter are a number of cliques. These members associate to a greater degree because of the task sharing and specialization in maintaining criminal activity. In using a social network analysis, McNally and Alston assert that the level of criminality that exists relates to the club’s hierarchy and the closeness of core and peripheral member contact. Core members and officers account for only 15-20% of criminal activity in McNally and Alston’s analysis, with the bulk of the crime committed by rank and file members. While individual members may engage in criminality, the level at which they associate, or are in contact, with core members and club officers helps determine their level of criminal involvement, supporting a differential association view regarding the members (McNally and Alston, 2006).
HIERARCHY, ONE-PERCENTERS, AND CRIMINAL ACTIVITY
MC’s including 1% clubs have a very distinct hierarchy. There is a home or mother chapter, the original chapter of the club. Its president is typically the national president. The Big Five have a varied number of chapters and members. Exact numbers are unknown but most of the clubs have around 80 chapters worldwide, with member numbers in the hundreds, if not thousands. (Barker, 2005) The home chapter set rules and guidelines, and issues charters for the chapters. However, it appears that criminal activity is not dictated by the home chapter but through individual chapters, though some in law enforcement believe the national chapter sets drug prices (Quinn, 2001). The national chapter may not dictate the requirement of criminal behavior to the chapters, but they are a means of resolving disputes regarding criminal activities engaged in by chapters or individual members. There is continued disagreement over whether the criminality in MCs are simply expressive acts or are actually instrumental, but it is likely that it is a combination of both (Quinn and Koch, 2003).
There is evidence of advancement in status within the club. Within the chapters, they have elected officials; the president, vice president, secretary/treasurer, sergeant at arms, and the road captain, each with their distinct duties within the club. (Heley, Personal Knowledge). Within the Big Five and undoubtedly other outlaw clubs, are sub groups like the Hell’s Angels’ Filthy Few, which law enforcement reports act as hit squads, but the club maintains they handle internal security and recruiting. Also, within the clubs are Nomads who are members of the club but are not affiliated with any chapter and answer only to the home chapter. Purportedly they serve as recruiters and inter-chapter liaisons (Quinn & Koch, 2003).
Because a hierarchy exists there is an incentive to achieve more status. This is accomplished by evident adherence to club rules and extraordinary loyalty to the club and its activities. As Sonny Barger, the Original President of the Hells Angels put it, you have to “show class” (Thompson, 1966). As Thompson also related, the Hell’s Angels, and other clubs as well, are very well aware of their outlaw status as viewed by the general public and with that, it carries a certain level of protection from societal censure at least in the first person, especially with the promotion of a “one on all, all on one” view of total retaliation (Thompson, 1966). Because of this, as a club member they become socialized deeper and deeper into a subculture where criminal activity is increasingly acceptable. With less societal sanctions, there ceases to be limiting factors to the members’ behavior. Peer pressure is also significant. Because your loyalty is scrutinized, it becomes increasingly important to participate in club activities no matter the extent of the criminal activity. This loyalty to the club and members is enhanced by the social isolation that comes from being a member of the subculture (Quinn, 2001).
Also crucial to the 1% club is the acquisition and maintenance of territory. This is usually accomplished through violent means and your loyalty to the club is again tested by your participation in inter-club violence. Most of the serious violence attributed to 1% clubs are directed at other clubs. Smaller clubs or their chapters are “patched over”, in a sense a hostile takeover accomplished through violence and intimidation, by a larger 1% club, incorporating the other clubs’ members and their turf. (Quinn & Koch, 2003) The larger market for illegal gains becomes an important commodity for the club, and it protects it from any perceived threats (Quinn, 2001). The level of inter-club violence has increased in recent decades, as evidenced in a paramilitary attack by the Hell’s Angels against the Mongols MC at a casino in Laughlin, NV in 2002 and the use of army ordinance rockets against the Banditos in Holland and Scandinavia in the ‘80’s and ’90’s (Barker, 2004). Canada has within this decade and the previous one been marred by turf wars between the Outlaws and Hells Angels to control the methamphetamine trade (Quinn & Koch, 2003).
CONCLUSIONS
From this research I’ve concluded that the first stages in the continuum of deviance, from being a member of saloon society who likes motorcycles to becoming a biker is not easy. It requires strict conformity to norms of the subculture, which is enhanced by a significant amount of peer pressure to conform. The more you conform, the more accepted you are and the more likely you will be presented with an opportunity to prospect. Having already been involved in the minor criminal activity that is associated with being a biker and saloon society in general, such as theft, assault, and drug use, differential association becomes a factor. You have a group of criminal-minded individuals who reap benefits, both in status and financially, by engaging in more serious criminal behavior like organized theft, and drug dealing which is further facilitated by the level of commitment to the club and the associations they maintain within the club. Within the 1% clubs there are both conservative and radical members and that “hegemonic radicalism at critical turning points in the development of the club is a significant determinate of its eventual commitment to organized crime” (Wolf, 1991 as cited in Quinn, 2001). Because the club member so strongly identifies with the club, loyalty to it being paramount, actions that benefit the club are viewed favorably, strengthening the incentive to engage in serious criminal behavior. This behavior can occur in any number of MCs, through the differential association that takes place. With the true 1% club, especially so with the Big Five and major independents, the gains made from criminal enterprises push the behavior from just sub-cultural deviance to its pinnacle within the continuum, that of an outlaw. The nature of the club requires that you firmly accept this label, as evidence of your loyalty is always necessary. While there seems to be scant evidence that the national chapters are the real heads of sophisticated criminal enterprises, you have to consider that loyalty and respect for the club and its ideals, as dictated by the national chapter, will exert some influence on individual chapters’ operation. It would be hard to imagine a Hell’s Angels chapter being in existence long if its members did not support the tough criminal image (and actions) that needs to be maintained to control lucrative criminal gains.
I contend that the level of criminal gains to be made for the club, and the level of involvement and association of the members, help set the club’s and members’ level of deviance. The profits a large club can reap by benefit of the control of large section of territory necessitate extreme means to keep control. It is inter-club conflict over criminal territory and activity and the depth of their association with other criminal organizations, including other clubs, street gangs and the mafia, (Quinn & Koch, 2003) that leads to the violence associated with outlaw clubs. As criminal opportunities are limited within the context of control by MCs, the level of criminal activity needed to manage it is necessarily less. As gains and markets become smaller, the criminal activity moves toward a less organized level. It now becomes more dependent on the individual level of deviance of the members and the associations that they make in the subculture and there is less incentive to engage in criminal activity. However even if there is no or only a nominal level of organized criminal activity in the club, doubtless there will members who are engaging in illegal activities in accordance with their own level of social deviance.
References
Barker, T. (2004). Exporting american organized crime-outlaw motorcycle gangs. Journal of Gang Research, 11 (2), 37-50.
Barker, T. (2005). One percent biker clubs: a description. Trends in Organized Crime, 9 (1), 101-112. doi: 10.1007/s12117-005-1005-0
McNally, D. and Alston, J. (2006). Use of social network analysis (SNA) in the examination of outlaw motorcycle gangs. Journal of Gang Research, 13 (3), 1-25.
Quinn, J.F. (2001). Angels, banditos, outlaws and pagans: the evolution of organized crime among the big four 1% motorcycle clubs. Deviant behavior, 22 (4), 379-399. doi: 10.1080/016396201750267870
Quinn, J. and Koch, D. Shane (2003). The nature of criminality within one-percent motorcycle clubs. Deviant Behavior, 24 (3), 281-305 doi: 10.1080/01639620390117291
Thompson, H. S. (1966). Hell’s angels. A strange and terrible saga. New York: Ballantine.
